Tabi Katalin
When we think of the phrase ‘stage direction’ we can think of two
things: the playwright’s directions in the text of a play, and the director’s
instructions from the prompt-book as acted on stage. The distinction between
‘literary’ vs. ‘theatrical’ at the very beginning of this paper shows its
importance, and its intricacies at the same time.
Stage
directions do not belong strictly to the corpus of the Shakespeare oeuvre.
Their authority is handled in a different way from that of the main text. As
for the main corpus, editors’ aim is to recover the original version as much as
possible, but for the stage directions they have less demands. They treat them
more freely. Most examples of this come from the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries, and we will see how the editorial attitude towards stage directions
has changed by the second half of the twentieth century.
Stage directions have not always been present
in the playscripts. Linda McJannet speaking of the development of stage
directions observes that they became part of the text of a play only in the
Middle Ages. The Greek plays had indicated the speech headings, but had not
given any other written directions for the actors. Medieval mystery plays,
growing out of the ecclesiastical tradition, were bound to fixed movements and
positions. The play only supported the understanding of the text which was
still dominant over action. Players did not feel need for free acting.
By the 1500s
theatre became self-conscious enough to stand up for its rights, and the
profession of an actor became socially more accepted. Talking of the roots of
the Renaissance theatre McJannet claims that ’Shakespeare and his fellow
dramatists obviously drew upon and developed aspects of both the classical and
medieval religious drama, but with respect to onstage action, they placed
themselves squarely in the native, medieval tradition. . . . At the same time,
the voice of Elizabethan stage directions, unlike that of the medieval
production narrative, is not dominant or restrictive.’[1] In
the Renaissance, stage directions, although they provided information of stage
action for the actors just like their medieval predecessors, did not
necessarily compel the players to fulfil them. If stage conditions demanded
changes in stage business, Elizabethan actors had the freedom to change their
movements and reactions accordingly.
Shakespeare’s plays are famous for containing
very few directions. This has several reasons. One could be that Shakespeare,
integrally involved in the business of the playhouse, was able to trust his
actors. According to William B. Long, ‘the more experienced the professional
playwright, the fewer such directions he adds and the more he leaves in what he
assumes or knows to be the capable hands of the players. It is thus hardly
surprising - albeit frustrating - to find so few stage-directions in
Shakespeare, not only a professional playwright, but also a player and a
shareholder in the company.’[2]
But was it Shakespeare who wrote the stage directions in the plays? Today the
theory that most Elizabethan drama is the product of more than one hand
prevails. Often there are several different copies for one play. They can be
either hand-written or printed. A hand-written copy can be authorial, scribal,
or theatrical.[3] This manuscript goes then
on to the printing house where the printers add their own emendations to the
text too. That is the sources of a play can originate from the playwright or
the scribe to the company player or the printer.[4]
Consequently,
stage directions are also the products of different hands. In 1931, W. W. Greg
and R. B. McKerrow were the first bibliographers to differentiate between
‘literary’ and ‘theatrical’ stage directions; the first type was inserted
probably by the author, and the second by another member of the company.
Elizabethan literary stage directions define
an imaginary location for scenes (e.g. before
the gates, at the window), and
they are characteristically ‘permissive.’ Since playwrights sometimes would not
know how many hired men would be available for their plays, they would often
write permissive numbers for the minor parts (e.g. Enter two or three servingmen).
Theatrical stage directions, on the other
hand, use technical vocabulary typical of theatre (e.g. above, within). According
to McJannet the characteristic features of theatrical directions are that they
give information about blocking (e.g. at
one door), props (e.g. a bed thrust
out), advance notice of stage action (e.g. One ready with pen and ink), special effects (e.g. Flourish, Drum), ’early’ entries
(entries that precede the entering character’s first speech by several lines),
and notations for props not used until later in the scene.[5]
The categories above might help us find the
authority of stage directions, but even this way we cannot say for certain
which stage directions are written by Shakespeare, and which are not. An editor
desperately trying to edit a text most proximate to the author’s original
intentions has to face that nearly all stage directions can be authorial and
therefore should be dealt with when editing a play. This observation is
underscored by Anthony Hammond who, from a theatrical point of view, claims
that ’in the collaboration that is an essential part of any staging, it is
splitting hairs to worry whether the wording of a direction is the author's or
one of his legitimate collaborators.’[6]
Any detail that might require stage business
can be regarded as stage direction for it reveals something of the Elizabethan
staging of a play. Therefore not only the traditionally accepted intertextual
directions can be regarded as stage direction, but also the so-called ‘implied’
directions that is the textual references to props, costumes, and movements on
stage.
Stage directions can be discussed considering
their history, their origins, their importance compared to the text, and their
classification, and yet one pitfall remains: the factor of time which expands
the borders of textual researches towards cultural studies. Alan C. Dessen
calls the attention to the fact that 'Behind the many different problems lies
one indisputable fact that will continue to bedevil the modern detective: that
the signals in the surviving Elizabethan manuscripts were not intended for us,’
and this problem applies to print culture too.
Furthermore Dessen argues that 'when one
turns to the stage practice and theatrical conventions of the past, especially
in the plays of Shakespeare (which seem to speak to us so readily across the
wide gap of time), the historian or director or critic or editor can never be
sure when we are talking the same language, when we are sharing the same
assumptions.'[7] This means that whatever
we argue about stage directions, we have to argue cautiously, bearing in mind
the cultural gap of four-hundred years.
I found it useful to choose one play, Romeo and Juliet, from Shakespeare’s
great oeuvre to illustrate the editorial problems of stage directions. Romeo and Juliet is one of those
‘problematic’ Shakespeare plays that have so-called ‘bad’ quartos.[8] The
first or ’bad’ quarto dates from 1597. The second or ’good’ quarto was printed
in 1599. The first quarto is shorter and its language is far less elevated than
that of the second quarto. But Q1 was evidently intended for the stage (that is
more theatrical), and therefore contains much more stage directions than Q2,
which is more literary in this sense.
Q1 provides more elaborate and descriptive
stage directions than Q2, and contains fascinating hints of Elizabethan stage
practice. Most of these ‘hints’ are no more than curiosities since for us these
stage directions can be recovered from Q2. For example, in 3.5 Q1 reads:
Good father, hear me speak.
She
kneels down
while in Q2 Juliet says:
Good father, I beseech you on my knees,
Hear me with patience, but to speak a word.
We can see that both quartos have the same scene, but what the first
quarto indicates in terms of stage directions the second quarto includes in
terms of speech. This difference, however, does not provide more information
for the editor or the reader.
Other directions, however, are valuable for
they help us understand certain, otherwise obscure, situations. For example, in
1.4, Q1 reads:
We have a trifling foolish banquet towards.
They
whisper in his ear.
I pray you let me entreat you. Is it so?
and Q2 has:
Nay, gentlemen, prepare not to be gone;
We have a trifling foolish banquet towards.
Is it e’en so? Why then I thank you all.
In this scene, it becomes obvious from the stage direction of Q1 why
there is no need for the utterance of the maskers’ excuse: it is whispered in
the host’s ear. In the second quarto, however, there is no such direction, and
therefore we can only assume that there is some sort of stage business that
induces Capulet’s words.
Dessen argues for a third group of ‘hints’
that he calls ‘complementing variations.’ He claims that some Q1 stage
directions give more information about the already existing Q2 directions, that
is Q1 complements Q2: ‘the second or “good” quarto of Romeo and Juliet provides only “enter
Romeo's man” in V.i (K4r), but the first quarto reads: “enter Balthasar his man booted” (I3r);
conversely, the second quarto but not the first has Old Capulet enter in a gown
in the opening scene (A4r).’[9]
We must acknowledge that even with the help
of the existing directions it is hardly possible to reconstruct an Elizabethan
play as it could have been staged at that time, since ‘ninety percent of what
actually happened on stage in their performance is not to be found in the
stage-directions of any manuscript or printed text, or in the occasional
descriptions of performances, and illustrations. The actor's movements, quite
apart from their body language, their positioning and grouping (what directors
call “blocking”), and their business with props, is largely unrecoverable.’[10]
Hammond’s observation calls attention to the fact that it is pointless for an
editor to aim at editing the text in its entirety because such does not exist.
Another conclusion is that if not all the stage directions are included, the
editor might take the challenge, with careful consideration, to insert more
stage directions in order to make the text more explicit.
Encouraged by this revelation, in the eighteenth
century it became widespread not only to discover more stage directions, but
also to create new ones on the basis of the text. This editorial practice
prevailed in the nineteenth century too, and resulted in several kinds of stage
directions, usually one following the other, at places where the quartos had
nothing. For instance, at the beginning of 2.1 when Romeo enters the Capulet
orchard, the following directions ranged: ’Exit.’
(Rowe, 1709); ’leaps the Wall.’
(Capell, 1767); ’He climbs the wall, and
leaps down.’ (Malone, 1790); and ’He
approaches the house.’ (White, 1857). Some of these have been regarded as
far-fetched, and therefore disposed of by most twentieth-century editors.[11] In
contrast, they go back to the authoritative sources, and often prefer adding no
stage directions at all to inventing ones perhaps alien to Shakespeare.
The duality of the various earlier directions
and the simplifying twentieth-century efforts has brought about the problem of
the editor’s responsibility. Stanley Wells deals with this matter in his essay,
The Editor and the Theatre: Editorial
Treatment of Stage Directions. According to Wells, the conscientious editor
should always bear in mind that he edits a text written for the stage, and only
those changes and emendations should be made which serve the better
understanding of the play. The editor’s responsibility, however, is difficult
to define. Editing is creating, which means that it is subjective. Dessen
emphasises that an editor’s decisions can have a great influence on other
people’s interpretations of a play. Therefore, although subjective, editors
should be more cautious about their editorial decisions. Dessen illustrates the
effects of editorial decisions through two editorial techniques: the insertion and omission of stage directions.
Insertion, as I referred to it above, means adding new
directions to the text for the better understanding. Omission means that considering each stage direction of the
different authoritative texts of a play the editor decides whether to edit or
omit them.
The case of Romeo entering the Capulet
orchard is a typical example of the first type of editorial logic. As we could
see it above, the eighteenth and nineteenth century editors (thinking that it
is their task to define precisely how Romeo should approach the orchard)
actually confined the reader’s imagination.
Dessen explains the editorial logic of omission through the example of ’the
Nurse and the Dagger.’ In this case the problem is caused by a direction which
can be found in Q1 but not in Q2. When Romeo wants to kill himself in the
Friar’s cell (where the Nurse is present as well), Q1 reads: ’He offers to stab himself, and Nurse
snatches the dagger away.’ There are editors who include this direction in
square brackets but indicate that it is a Q1 variant. Most omit the passage
from the main text such as Brian Gibbons who in his 1980 Arden edition argues
that the Nurse's intervention is ’neither necessary or defensible.’ He believes
that this would distract the audience’s attention from Romeo and the Friar who
are the key figures of this scene. His decision, however, also implies that the
readers of the Arden edition will be deprived of a possible interpretation. Dessen claims that ’Since many readers
concentrate upon the text rather than the notes, such an editorial decision
(especially in this prestigious series) can have a greater impact upon future
interpreters than an equivalent choice by an actor or a critic.’[12]
Editors have been trying to make sense of and
explain Shakespeare’s texts as meticulously as possible. Yet, as J. B. Long
observes, they often forget that ’Regularization and completeness simply were
not factors in theatrical marking of an author's papers. Theatrical personnel
seem to have marked the book only in response to problems.’ He disapproves of
the fact that ’editors tend to assume that a sixteenth-century manuscript play
looked very much like a twentieth-century one.’[13]
Drama has not always been characterised by
the duality of page and stage, that is the literary and theatrical forms of a
play. In the Renaissance, playwrights like Shakespeare wrote their works for
the stage. Stanley Wells emphasises in his General
Introduction to the Complete Oxford
Shakespeare that ’it is in performance that the plays lived and had their
being. Performance is the end to which they were created.’[14] As a
man of theatre, Shakespeare was not particularly interested in preparing his
plays for the reader.
Shakespeare was celebrated in his lifetime as
well as after his death. In the seventeenth century three derivative folios
followed the First Folio, but it is not until 1709 that we can speak about the
editorial history of Shakespeare’s plays. Nicholas Rowe is the first editor
known by name whose edition was a reprint of the Fourth Folio in 1709. Rowe was
followed by a large number of editors.[15] They
established several editorial principles, and therefore the editorial history
of Shakespeare starts with them. This is a positive result of the English
literary enlightenment. A negative result, on the other hand, is that the
theatre-centred approach of the Renaissance got into the background. Most of
the eighteenth-century editors were poets or literary critics, consequently
their editorial practice was merely literary – and not without faults.
It was only at the end of the
nineteen-seventies when textual critics became aware of the importance and
consequences of the fact that the plays had been written for the stage. This
idea started to develop simultaneously in the literary scholars’ essays and the
editors’ texts. The rethinking of plays as performance pieces (Stanley Wells),
and of the implications of stage directions (Alan C. Dessen) as well as the
rise of performance criticism (Bernard Beckerman) had a significant influence
on the editing of the Shakespeare plays.
Romeo
and Juliet is a good example
of this: a definite line can be drawn between the editions before 1980 and
after. In this line, the 1980 Arden edition by Brian Gibbons is the last
edition that can afford disregarding the performative approach.
In the shift towards a performance-based
approach the real break-through was The
Oxford Shakespeare edition of the Complete Works in 1986, edited by Stanley
Wells, Gary Taylor, John Jowett, and William Montgomery. This edition takes
certain performative problems into more profound consideration than the earlier
editions. Since the publication of The
Oxford Shakespeare (1986) editors
have had to deal not only with the evidences of the quartos and the
achievements of their earlier colleagues but also with the solutions of
performances and prompt-books in order to discover more and more layers of the
text.
I am convinced that the constant dialogue
between bibliography and theatre, theory and practice, can lead editors much
closer to the understanding of Renaissance theatre than if literary critics
exclusively debate about their own hypotheses.
The Renaissance theatre was obviously
different in many ways from today’s theatre. Yet there are basic rules (coming
from the fact that theatre has always been about the connection between
people), which make it worth for editors using the understanding of modern
theatre (from the technical matters through the actor’s work to the
communication with the audience) as a starting point to the interpretation of
Shakespeare’s works. Such a theatrical understanding will make future editions
more workable.
Dessen calls the attention to the fact that
readers tend to ignore the footnotes when reading the edition of a play. They
only concentrate on the text – whatever is included in it. Therefore editors
have a great responsibility when editing stage directions for the shaping of
people’s understanding of Shakespeare in the future.
Selected Bibliography:
Beckerman, Bernard, The Flowers of Fancy, the Jerks of Invention, or, Directorial
Approaches to Shakespeare, in Shakespeare
1971, ed. Clifford Leech and J. M. R.
Dessen, Alan C., Elizabethan Stage Conventions and Modern Interpreters (Cambridge,
1984)
Greg, W. W., The Editorial Problem in Shakespeare: A Survey of the Foundations of
the Text, 2nd Edition (Oxford, 1951)
Greg, W. W., The Shakespeare First Folio: Its Bibliographical and Textual History (Oxford,
1955), 105-174
Hammond, Anthony, Encounters of the Third Kind in Stage Directions in Elizabethan and
Jacobean Drama, Studies in Philology 89,
no. 1 (winter 1992), 71-99, esp. 78-81
Irace, Kathleen O., Reforming the 'Bad' Quartos: Performance and Provenance of Six
Shakespearean First Editions (Newark, Del., London, and Toronto, 1994)
Levenson, Jill L., Show business: the Editor in the Theater, in Shakespeare: Text and Theater: essays in honor of Jay L. Halio,
eds. L. Potter and A. F. Kinney (1999)
Long, William B., Stage-Directions: A Misinterpreted Factor in Determining Textual
Provenance, Text 2 (1985),
121-137
Margeson (Toronto and Buffalo, 1972), 200-14
McJannet, L., The Voice of Elizabethan Stage Directions: the Evolution of a
Theatrical Code (London: Associated University Presses, 1999)
McKerrow, R. B., Prolegomena for the Oxford Shakespeare: A Study in Editorial Method,
(Oxford, 1939)
Munkelt, Marga, Stage Directions as Part of the Text, Shakespeare Studies 19 (1987), 253-71
Slater, Ann Pasternak, Shakespeare the Director (The Harvester Press, 1982)
Wells, Stanley, and Taylor, Gary (ed.), William Shakespeare: A Textual Companion
(Oxford, 1987)
Wells, Stanley, The Editor and the Theatre: Editorial Treatment of Stage Directions, in Re-Editing
Shakespeare for the Modern Reader (Oxford, 1984), 57-78
Editions:
Levenson, Jill L., Romeo and Juliet, Oxford World's Classics (OUP, 2000)
Jowett, John, Romeo and Juliet, in William
Shakespeare: The Complete Works (Oxford, 1986)
Evans, G. Blakemore, Romeo and Juliet, The New Cambridge Shakespeare (Cambridge, 1984)
Gibbons, Brian, Romeo and Juliet, The Arden Shakespeare (1980)
Williams, George Walton, Romeo and Juliet, (Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press,
1964)
Wilson, John Dover, Romeo and Juliet, (The Old) Cambridge Shakespeare (Cambridge, 1955)
Romeo
and Juliet 1597, ed. Jill L.
Levenson, facsimile edn. (2000)
Romeo
and Juliet 1599, ed. W. W.
Greg, facsimile edn. (1966)
[1] McJannet (1999), p. 10
[2] Long (1985), p. 127
[3] The word scribal
here refers to either the person who prepared the text of a play for the
printing-house, or a member of the company (called book-keeper) who was in charge of the only authoritative copy of a
play; but he could also be the author’s ’assistant’ (a fellow playwright or
friend), or even a kind of Renaissance ’backstage staff’ (see theatrical stage
directions later on). The term theatrical
comprises any member of the company who effectively took part in the
staging of a play. Because of the limits of this paper I cannot elaborate on
the debates about the authority of the ’bad’ quartos. I have to mention,
however, that according to some scholars the first quarto of Romeo and Juliet, for example, was
reconstructed from memory by two company players. (See Irace [1994].)
[4] Since the institution of copyright did not exist in
Shakespeare’s time, playwrights and companies protected their plays in all
possible ways against unauthorised persons (especially members of other
companies) stealing them. Therefore actors only received their own parts with
their cues, and the book-keeper was in charge of the official prompt-book.
[5] McJannet (1999), p. 27
[6] Hammond (1992), p. 86
[7] Dessen (1984), pp. 29, 9
[8] The distinction between ’good’ and ’bad’ quartos was
first suggested by A. W. Pollard (Shakespeare
Folios and Quartos: A Study in the Bibliography of Shakespeare’s Plays 1594 –
1685, London: Methuen, 1909) Irace (1994) argues that the so-called ‘bad’
quartos are from certain aspects (e.g. considering stage directions) better
than their ‘good’ counterparts, and therefore Pollard’s designation is
inappropriate. Irace suggests ‘short quarto’ instead. This name, however, also
has its weak point for ‘short’ quartos are often longer than their ‘long’
counterparts.
[9] Dessen (1984), p. 43
[10] Hammond (1992), p. 81
[11] For example, B. Gibbons (1980), G. B. Evans (1984),
J. Jowett (1986), and J. L. Levenson (2000)
[12] Dessen (1984), p. 4
[13] Long (1985), p. 123
[14] The Complete
Works, ’General Introduction’, p. xxxix
[15] For example Alexander Pope, Lewis Theobald, Samuel
Johnson, Edward Capell, George Steevens, and Edmond Malone.
© Tabi Katalin, 2002